Trump is on a quest to poison global political culture

Georgios Samaras is an assistant professor of public policy at King’s College London.

During his Oval Office press briefing on April 1, U.S. President Donald Trump made no secret of his view that French far-right politician Marine Le Pen’s ban from seeking public office was a “very big deal” — almost the scandal of the century. He dismissed her conviction as a witch hunt, drawing comparisons with his own legal challenges and once again portraying himself as the victim.

And across the Atlantic, it seems this Trump strategy has struck a chord.

Le Pen herself quickly embraced this martyrdom narrative, reminiscent of Trump’s portrayal of the Jan. 6 insurrection on Capitol Hill. And already, hypothetical presidential polls in France suggest her protégé Jordan Bardella may be the front-runner in the 2027 election.

The strategy works. But for how long?

Within the MAGA realm, being above the law isn’t merely acceptable, it’s expected. That’s the message Trump wants to convey with his unprecedented assault on America’s judicial institutions. Courts, judges, verdicts and legal firms — any entity daring to challenge the administration’s policies — are being targeted.

This is what Trump 2.0 stands for: A period of ruthless domestic restructuring, aimed at cementing the U.S. president’s political and cultural supremacy at all costs. Moreover, grim signals regarding the overseas export of this agenda from the Project 2025 presidential plan reveal this transformation isn’t confined to U.S. borders — a fact underscored by Trump’s open support for the French far right.

The U.S. president is now trotting down his favorite path: hunting for far-right allies who are keen to support his authoritarian crusade. And complementing his playbook is tech billionaire Elon Musk, whose own brand of free speech has become indispensable to the cause.

Musk has similarly dismissed Le Pen’s legal troubles as politically motivated, and has also taken potshots at Germany’s domestic intelligence agency for monitoring the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) party. Not content with that, Musk has also been cheerleading the far-right in Romania amid similar legal farces over alleged foreign interference.

Trump’s legal theatrics, teamed with Musk’s free speech circus, have engineered a ludicrous blueprint for political domination. It’s a cocktail that serves as a rallying cry for every European opportunist desperate to milk American clout for their own gain, while democracy is left to pick up the pieces of their charade.

Such developments echo Italian philosopher Antonio Gramsci’s notion of “cultural hegemony,” where the dominant ideology isn’t imposed by force but woven into society’s fabric through influential institutions like the media and education.

Trump’s actions embody this theory: Since taking office, he has targeted media outlets, dismantled the Department of Education, arrogated self-appointed authority within elite cultural circles, killed diversity, equity and inclusion programs, ruthlessly curtailed abortion rights and imposed draconian restrictions on military eligibility.

Of course, this is only a small part of the underlying plan, now in full swing and epitomized by his “Liberation Day” tariff storm, to subjugate other nations. Despite Musk mingling at the Saturday shindig of Italy’s far-right League party to make a case against tariffs, his boss isn’t about to cave in — and rightly so. Those tariffs are a mic drop, a declaration that Trump is hell-bent on steamrolling cultural norms and silencing dissent, even if it hurls the world into another Great Depression.

Yet, all is not bleak.

As it stands, there are two emerging developments that indicate some resistance: The first is the growing skepticism among European nations, which suggests Trump’s theatrics are gradually losing their allure. Trade negotiations reveal that Europe is pursuing alternative partnerships to reduce its reliance on the U.S., implying that cooperation with the MAGA realm is not as tenable as some initially thought.

The second is the outcome of the Wisconsin Supreme Court election in the U.S. Despite Musk spending millions on the race, launching disinformation campaigns, and constantly alleging electoral fraud while flouting state laws, he and his candidate was shot down. Even Republicans dislike him.

So, with the U.S. showing unmistakable signs of political self-destruction — and looming financial ruin — Europe is now poised to confront authoritarianism, if it so chooses. It could unmask Trump’s far-right allies as embarrassingly inept on the economy and utterly bereft of sound policy, while sparking a renewed belief in democracy even as the darkness deepens.

Indeed, democracy may be imperfect, yet these blemishes are far from immutable — provided one refuses to kowtow to the transatlantic emperor.

Thus, European nations stand at a turning point, where they can choose to reassert the lofty ideals once pledged by the EU — a commitment to cultural openness, an embrace of migration and a sanctuary for human rights. This, after all, is the only real antidote to the authoritarian brew emanating from America in 2025.

Si non nunc, quando?